Réel – Les sociaux-libéraux

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Réel – Les sociaux-libéraux (Zares – socialno liberalni, en slovène, Zares) est un parti politique slovène de centre gauche, fondé en 2007.

Il est fondé le , par un groupe de sept députés de la Démocratie libérale de Slovénie (LDS), principal parti du pays entre 1994 et 2004, emmenés par Gregor Golobič, ancien secrétaire général de la LDS. À la fin de cette même année, la formation appuie la candidature de l’indépendant Danilo Türk à l’élection présidentielle, qui s’impose très largement au second tour contre le conservateur Lojze Peterle.

En 2008, avec 9,4 % des suffrages, Zares obtient 9 députés à l’Assemblée nationale. Le parti se classe alors au troisième rang des forces politiques slovènes, tandis que la LDS plonge à 5 % et 5 parlementaires.

Zares entre ensuite au gouvernement, dirigé par le social-démocrate Borut Pahor, dans lequel il obtient quatre ministères, dont celui de l’Économie, Golobič étant nommé ministre de la Science, tandis que Pavel Gantar est élu président de l’Assemblée. Les élections européennes qui se tiennent l’année suivante, en juin, voient la bonne tenu du parti, qui remporte 9,8 % des voix et fait élire l’ancien ministre des Affaires étrangères Ivo Vajgl au Parlement européen.

Cependant, le parti se retire en et s’effondre à seulement 0,7 % des voix aux élections législatives du 4 décembre suivant. Pavel Gantar remplace alors Golobič, le , à la présidence. À la fin de l’année, le parti soutient, tout comme la LDS, le président sortant, Türk, à la présidentielle, mais ce dernier est nettement battu par Pahor lors du second tour.

Zares est un parti de centre gauche, défendant le social-libéralisme. Il appartient à l’Alliance des démocrates et des libéraux pour l’Europe (ALDE) et l’Internationale libérale (IL), son député européen siégeant au groupe de l’Alliance des démocrates et des libéraux pour l’Europe (ADLE).

Raï

Raï (IPA: [rɑi]; Arabic: راي‎‎) is a form of folk music that originated in Oran and Aïn Témouchent, Algeria from Bedouin shepherds, mixed with Spanish, French, African and Arabic musical forms, which dates back to the 1930s.

Singers of raï are called cheb (shabab, young) as opposed to sheikh (shaykh, old), the name given to Chaabi singers. The tradition arose in cities like Oran, Relizane, Mostaganem, Chlef, Aïn Témouchent and Sidi-Bel-Abbès, primarily among the poor. Traditionally sung by men, by the end of the 20th century, female singers had become common. The lyrics of raï have concerned social issues, such as disease and the policing of European colonies, that affected native populations.

Raï is a type of Algerian popular music that arose in the 1920s[citation needed] in the port city of Oran and that self-consciously ran counter to accepted artistic and social mores. It appealed to young people who sought to modernize the traditional Islamic values and attitudes. Regional, secular, and religious drum patterns, melodies, and instruments were blended with Western electric instrumentation. The raï emerged as a major world-music genre in the late 1980s.

In the years just following World War I, the Algerian city of Oran—known as “little Paris”—was a melting pot of various cultures, full of nightclubs and cabarets; it was the place to go for a bawdy good time. Out of this milieu arose a group of Male and Female Muslim singers called chioukhs and cheikhates, who rejected the refined, classical poetry of traditional Algerian music. Instead, to the accompaniment of pottery drums and end-blown flutes, they sang about the adversity of urban life in a raw, gritty, sometimes vulgar, and inevitably controversial language that appealed especially to the socially and economically disadvantaged.The cheikhates further departed from tradition in that they performed not only for women but also and especially for men.

The music performed was called raï. It drew its name from the Algerian Arabic word raï (“opinion” or “advice”), which was typically inserted—and repeated—by singers to fill time as they formulated a new phrase of improvised lyrics. By the early 1940s Cheikha Rimitti el Reliziana had emerged locally as a musical and linguistic luminary in the raï tradition, and she continued to be among the music’s most prominent performers into the 21st century.

In the early 20th century, Oran was divided into Jewish, French, Spanish, and Arab quarters. By independence in 1962, the Jewish quarter (known as the Derb), was home to musicians like Reinette L’Oranaise, Saoud l’Oranais and Larbi Bensari. Sidi el Houari was home to Spanish fishermen and many refugees from Spain who arrived after 1939. These two quarters had active music scenes, and the French inhabitants of the city went to the Jewish and Spanish areas to examine the music. The Arabs of Oran were known for al-andalous, a classical style of music imported from Southern Spain after 1492. Hawzi classical music was popular during this time, and female singers of the genre included Cheikha Tetma, Fadila D’zirya and Myriam Fekkai. Another common musical genre was bedoui (or gharbi), which originated from Bedouin chants. Bedoui consisted of Melhun poetry being sung with accompaniment from guellal drums and gaspa Flutes. Bedoui was sung by male singers, known as cheikhs, who were dressed in long, white jellabas and turbans. Lyrics came from the poetry of people such as Mestfa ben Brahim and Zenagui Bouhafs. Performers of bedoui included Cheikh Hamada, Cheikh Mohammed Senoussi, Cheikh Madani, Cheikh Hachemi Bensmir and Cheikh Khaldi. Senoussi was the first to have had recorded the music in 1906.

French colonization of Algeria changed the organization of society, producing a class of poor, uneducated urban men and women. Bedoui singers mostly collaborated with the French colonizers, though one exception from such collaboration was Cheikh Hamada. The problems of survival in a life of poverty were the domain of street musicians who sang bar-songs called zendanis. A common characteristic of these songs included exclamations of the word „raï!“ and variations thereof. The word „rai“ implies that an opinion is being expressed.

In the 1920s, the women of Oran were held to strict code of conduct. Many of those that failed became social outcasts and singers and dancers. They sang medh songs in praïse of the prophet Mohammed and performed for female audiences at ceremonies such as weddings and circumcision feasts. These performers included Les Trois Filles de Baghdad, Soubira bent Menad and Kheira Essebsadija. Another group of female social outcasts were called cheikhas, who were known for their alluring dress, hedonistic lyrics, and their display of a form of music that was influenced from meddhahates and zendani singers. These cheikhas, who sang for both men and women, included people such as Cheikha Remitti el Reliziana, Cheikha Grélo, Cheikha Djenia el Mostganmia, Cheikha Bachitta de Mascara, and Cheikha a; Ouachma el Tmouchentia. The 1930s saw the rise of revolutionary organizations, including organizations motivated by Marxism, which mostly despised these early roots raï singers. At the same time, Arab classical music was gaining popularity across North Africa, especially the music of Umm Kulthum.

When first developed, raï was a hybrid blend of rural and cabaret musical genres, invented by and targeted toward distillery workers, peasants who had lost their land to European settlers, and other types of lower class citizens. The geographical location of Oran allowed for the spread of many cultural influences, allowing raï musicians to absorb an assortment of musical styles such as flamenco from Spain, gnawa music, and French cabaret, allowing them to combine with the rhythms typical of Arab nomads. In the early 1930s, social issues afflicting the Arab population in the colony, such as the disease of typhus, harassment and imprisonment by the colonial police, and poverty were prominent themes of raï lyrics. However, other main lyrical themes concerned the likes of wine, love, and the meaning and experiences of leading a marginal life. From its origins, women played a significant role in the music and performance of raï. In contrast to other Algerian music, raï incorporated dancing in addition to music, particularly in a mixed-gender environment.

In the 1930s, Raï, al-andalousm, and the Egyptian classical style influenced the formation of wahrani, a musical style popularized by Blaoui Houari. Musicians like Mohammed Belarbi and Djelloul Bendaoud added these influences to other Oranian styles, as well as Western piano and accordion, resulting in a style called bedoui citadinisé. Revolt began in the mid-1950s, and musicians which included Houari and Ahmed Saber supported the Front de Libération National. After independence in 1962, however, the Marxist government of the Houari Boumédienne regime, along with President Ahmed Ben Bella, did not tolerate criticism from musicians such as Saber, and suppression of Raï and Oranian culture ensued. The amount of public performances by female raï singers decreased[clarification needed], which led to men playing an increased role in this genre of music. Meanwhile, traditional raï instruments such as the gasba (reed flute), and the derbouka (Maghrebi drums) were replaced with the violin and accordion.

In the 1960s, Bellamou Messaoud and Belkacem Bouteldja began their career, and they changed the raï sound, eventually gaining mainstream acceptance in Algeria by 1964. In the 1970s, recording technology began growing more advanced, and more imported genres had Algerian interest as well, especially Jamaican reggae with performers like Bob Marley.Over the following decades, raï increasingly assimilated the sounds of the diverse musical styles that surfaced in Algeria.During the 1970s, raï artists brought in influences from other countries such as Egypt, Europe, and the Americas. Trumpets, the electric guitar, synthesizers, and drum machines were specific instruments that were put into raï music. This marked the beginning of pop raï, which was performed by a later generation which adopted the title of Cheb (male) or Chaba (female), meaning “young,” to distinguish themselves from the older musicians who continued to perform in the original style. Among the most prominent performers of the new raï were Chaba Fadela, Cheb Hamid, and Cheb Mami. However, by the time the first international raï festival was held in Algeria in 1985, Cheb Khaled had become virtually synonymous with the genre. More festivals followed in Algeria and abroad, and raï became a popular and prominent new genre in the emergent world-music market. cheb (young man) and cheba (young woman). International success of the genre had begun as early as 1976 with the rise to prominence of producer Rachid Baba Ahmed.

During the 1970s, raï artists brought in influences from other countries such as Egypt, Europe, and the Americas. Trumpets, the electric guitar, synthesizers, and drum machines were specific instruments that were put into raï music. This marked the beginning of pop raï, which was performed by a later generation of chabs (young men) and chabates (young women). International success of the genre had begun as early as 1976 with the rise to prominence of producer Rachid Baba Ahmed.

The added expense of producing LP’s as well as the technical aspects imposed on the medium by the music led to the genre being released almost exclusively onto cassette by the early 1980s, with a great deal of music having no LP counterpart at all and a very limited exposure on CD.

While this form of raï increased cassette sales, its association with mixed dancing, an obscene act according to orthodox Islamic views, led to government-backed suppression. However, this suppression was overturned due to raï’s growing popularity in France, where it was strongly demanded by the Maghrebi Arab community. This popularity in France was increased as a result of the upsurge of Franco-Arab struggles against racism. This led to a following of a white audience that was sympathetic to the antiracist struggle.

After the election of president Chadli Bendjedid in 1979, Raï music had a chance to rebuild because of his lessened moral and economic restraints. Shortly afterwards, Raï started to form into pop-raï, with the use of instruments such as electrical synthesizers, guitars, and drum machines.

In the 1980s, raï began its period of peak popularity. Previously, the Algerian government had opposed raï because of its sexually and culturally risqué topics, such as alcohol and consumerism, two subjects that were taboo to the traditional Islamic culture.

The government eventually attempted to ban raï, banning the importation of blank cassettes and confiscating the passports of raï musicians. This was done to prevent raï from not only spreading throughout the country, but to prevent it from spreading internationally and from coming in or out of Algeria. Though this limited the professional sales of raï, the music increased in popularity through the illicit sale and exchange of tapes. In 1985, Algerian Colonel Snoussi joined with French minister of culture Jack Lang to convince the Algerian state to accept raï. He succeeded in getting the government to return passports to raï musicians and to allow raï to be recorded and performed in Algeria, with government sponsorship, claiming it as a part of Algerian cultural heritage. This not only allowed the Algerian government to financially gain from producing and releasing raï, but it allowed them to monitor the music and prevent the publication of „unclean“ music and dance and still use it to benefit the Algerian State’s image in the national world. In 1986, the first state-sanctioned raï festival was held in Algeria, and a festival was also held in Bobigny, France.

In 1988, Algerian students and youth flooded the streets to protest state-sponsored violence, the high cost of staple foods, and to support the Peoples‘ Algerian Army. President Chadli Bendjedid, who held power from 1979 to 1992, and his FLN cronies blamed raï for the massive uprising that left 500 civilians dead in October 1988. Most raï singers denied the allegation, including Cheb Sahraoui, who said there was no connection between raï and the October rebellion. Yet raï’s reputation as protest music stuck because the demonstrators adopted Khaled’s song „El Harba Wayn“ („To Flee, But Where?“) to aid their protesting:

Where has youth gone?

Where are the brave ones?
The rich gorge themselves
The poor work themselves to death
The Islamic charlatans show their true face…
You can always cry or complain

In the 1990s, restrictions[specify] were placed on raï, and those who did not submit to censorship faced consequences such as exile. One exiled raï singer, Cheb Hasni, accepted an offer to return to Algeria and perform at a stadium in 1994. Hasni’s fame and controversial songs led to him receiving death threats from Islamic fundamentalist extremists. On September 29, 1994, he was the first raï musician to be murdered, outside his parents‘ home in the Gambetta district of Oran, reportedly because he let girls kiss him on the cheek during a televised concert. His death came amid other violent actions against North African performers. A few days before his death, the Kabyle singer Lounès Matoub was abducted by the GIA. The following year, on February 15, 1995, Raï producer Rachid Baba-Ahmed was assassinated in Oran.

The escalating tension of the Islamist anti-raï campaign caused raï musicians such as Chab Mami and Chaba Fadela to relocate from Algeria to France. Moving to France was a way to sustain the music’s existence. France was where Algerians had moved during the post-colonial era in order to find work, and where musicians had a greater opportunity to oppose the government without censorship.

Though raï found mainstream acceptance in Algeria, Islamic fundamentalists still protested the genre, saying that it was still too liberal and too contrasting to traditional Islamic values. The fundamentalists claimed that the musical genre still promoted sexuality, alcohol and Western consumer culture, but critics of the fundamentalist viewpoint stated that fundamentalists and raï musicians were ultimately seeking converts from the same population, the youth, who often had to choose where they belonged between the two cultures. Despite the governmental support, a split remained between those citizens belonging to strict Islam and those patronizing the raï scene.

Cheb Khaled was the first musician with international success, including his 1988 album Kutché, though his popularity did not extend to places such as the United States and Latin America. Other prominent performers of the 1980s included Houari Benchenet, Raïna Raï, Mohamed Sahraoui, Cheb Mami, and Cheb Hamid.

International success grew in the 1990s, with Cheb Khaled’s 1992 album Khaled. With Khaled no longer in Algeria, musicians such as Cheb Tahar, Cheb Nasro, and Cheb Hasni began singing lover’s raï, a sentimental, pop-ballad form of raï music. Later in the decade, funk, hip hop, and other influences were added to raï, especially by performers like Faudel and Rachid Taha, the latter of whom took raï music and fused it with rock. Taha does not call his creation raï music, but rather describes it as a combination of folk raï and punk. Another mix of cultures in Arabic music of the late 1990s came through Franco-Arabic music released by musicians such as Aldo.

The late 1980s and early 1990s saw a rise in female raï performers. According to authors Gross, McMurray, and Swedenburg in their article „Arab Noise and Ramadan Nights: Raï, Rap, and Franco-Maghrebi Identity,“ raï musician Chaba Zahouania was forbidden by her family to perform or even appear in public. According to Gross et al., the raï record companies have pushed female artists to become more noticed.

Throughout the course of raï music’s development and commercialization in Algeria, there have been many attempts to stifle the genre. From lyrical content to the album cover images, raï has been a controversial music. Religious identity and transnationalism function to define the complexities of Maghrebi identity. This complex identity is expressed through raï music and is often contested and censored in many cultural contexts.

In 1962, as Algeria claimed its national independence, expression of popular culture was stifled by the conservative nature of the people. During this time of drastic restriction of female expression, many men started to become raï singers. By 1979, when president Chadli Bendjedid endorsed more liberal moral and economic standards, raï music became further associated with Algerian youth. The music remained stigmatized amongst the Salafi Islamists and the Algerian government. Termed the „raï generation“, the youth found raï as a way to express sexual and cultural freedoms. An example of this free expression is through the lyrics of Cheb Hasni in his song „El Berraka“. Hasni sang: „I had her … because when you’re drunk that’s the sort of idea that runs through your head!“ Hasni challenged the fundamentalists of the country and the condemnation of non-religious art forms.

Raï started to circulate on a larger scale, via tape sales, TV exposure, and radio play. However, the government attempted to „clean up“ raï to adhere to conservative values. Audio engineers manipulated the recordings of raï artists in order to submit to such standards. This tactic allowed for the economy to profit from the music by gaining conservative audiences. The conservativeness not only affected the way listeners received raï music, but also the way the artists, especially female artists, presented their own music. For instance, many[weasel words] female raï artists do not appear on their album covers. Such patriarchal standards pressure women to societal privacy.

Gruvleflesa Knolls

The Gruvleflesa Knolls (Coordinates: ) are two low rock knolls rising above the glacial moraine just west of the Gruvletindane Crags, in the Kurze Mountains of Queen Maud Land, Antarctica. They were mapped from surveys and air photos by the Sixth Norwegian Antarctic Expedition (1956–60) and named Gruvleflesa.

 This article incorporates public domain material from the United States Geological Survey document (content from the Geographic Names Information System).

Element (category theory)

In category theory, the concept of an element, or a point, generalizes the more usual set theoretic concept of an element of a set to an object of any category. This idea often allows to restate definitions or properties of morphisms (such as monomorphism or product) which are given by a universal property in more familiar terms by stating their relation to elements. Some very general theorems, such as Yoneda’s lemma and the Mitchell embedding theorem, are of great utility in this way, by allowing one to work in a context where these translations are valid. This approach to category theory, in particular the use of the Yoneda lemma in this way, is due to Grothendieck, and is often called the method of the functor of points.

Suppose C is any category and A, T are two objects of C. A T-valued point of A is simply an arrow





p


:



T






A




{\displaystyle p\colon T\to A}


. The set of all T-valued points of A varies functorially with T, giving rise to the „functor of points“ of A; according to the Yoneda lemma, this completely determines A as an object of C.

Many properties of morphisms can be restated in terms of points. For example, a map





f




{\displaystyle f}


is said to be a monomorphism if

Suppose





f


:



B






C




{\displaystyle f\colon B\to C}


and





g


,


h


:



A






B




{\displaystyle g,h\colon A\to B}


in C. Then g and h are A-valued points of B, and therefore monomorphism is equivalent to the more familiar statement

Some care is necessary. f is an epimorphism if the dual condition holds:

In set theory, the term „epimorphism“ is synonymous with „surjection“, i.e.

This is clearly not the translation of the first statement into the language of points, and in fact these statements are not equivalent in general. However, in some contexts, such as abelian categories, „monomorphism“ and „epimorphism“ are backed by sufficiently strong conditions that in fact they do allow such a reinterpretation on points.

Similarly, categorical constructions such as the product have pointed analogues. Recall that if A, B are two objects of C, their product A×B is an object such that

In this definition, f and g are T-valued points of A and B, respectively, while h is a T-valued point of A×B. An alternative definition of the product is therefore:

This is the more familiar definition of the product of two sets.

The terminology is geometric in origin; in algebraic geometry, Grothendieck introduced the notion of a scheme in order to unify the subject with arithmetic geometry, which dealt with the same idea of studying solutions to polynomial equations (i.e. algebraic varieties) but where the solutions are not complex numbers but rational numbers, integers, or even elements of some finite field. A scheme is then just that: a scheme for collecting together all the manifestations of a variety defined by the same equations but with solutions taken in different number sets. One scheme gives a complex variety, whose points are its





(


Spec







C



)




{\displaystyle (\operatorname {Spec} \mathbb {C} )}


-valued points, as well as the set of





(


Spec







Q



)




{\displaystyle (\operatorname {Spec} \mathbb {Q} )}


-valued points (rational solutions to the equations), and even





(


Spec








F




p




)




{\displaystyle (\operatorname {Spec} \mathbb {F} _{p})}


-valued points (solutions modulo p).

One feature of the language of points is evident from this example: it is, in general, not enough to consider just points with values in a single object. For example, the equation






x



2




+


1


=


0




{\displaystyle x^{2}+1=0}


(which defines a scheme) has no real solutions, but it has complex solutions, namely





±



i




{\displaystyle \pm i}


. It also has one solution modulo 2 and two modulo 5, 13, 29, etc. (all primes which are 1 modulo 4). Just taking the real solutions would give no information whatsoever.

The situation is analogous to the case where C is the category, Sets, of sets of actual elements. In this case, we have the „one-pointed“ set {1}, and the elements of any set S are the same as the {1}-valued points of S. In addition, though, there are the {1,2}-valued points, which are pairs of elements of S, or elements of S×S. In the context of sets, these higher points are extraneous: S is determined completely by its {1}-points. However, as shown above, this is special (in this case, it is because all sets are iterated coproducts of {1}).

Анцелотти, Теодоро

Кандела, Фоджа

Италия

аккордеонист

аккордеон

Теодоро Анцелотти (итал. Teodoro Anzellotti, Кандела, Фоджа) — итальянский аккордеонист.

Учился в Карлсруэ и Троссингене. Преподавал в Берне (с 1987), Дармштадте (с 1992) и Фрайбурге (с 2002).

Выступал со многими оркестрами, играл в ансамбле с Т. Деменгой, Т. Лархером, Марианной Шрёдер и др.

В репертуаре Анцеллотти — композиторы барокко (Бах, Букстехуде, Гайдн, Фробергер, Фрескобальди, Доменико Скарлатти, Рамо), а также Сезар Франк, Яначек, Кшенек. Особенно известна его яркая характерная трактовка сочинений Эрика Сати. Исполняет произведения современных композиторов, многие из которых написаны персонально для него (Лигети, Куртаг, Кейдж, Штокхаузен, Бруно Мадерна, Берио, Кагель, Губайдулина, Паг-Пан, Холлигер, Шаррино, Брис Позе, Марко Строппа, Беат Фуррер, Маттиас Пинчер, Изабель Мундри, Тосио Хосокава, Хайя Черновин, Виолета Динеску, Ребекка Саундерс, Михаэль Яррелль, Йорг Видманн и др.).

Bücherverbrennung in Hannover

Die Bücherverbrennung in Hannover erfolgte am 10. Mai 1933 an der Bismarcksäule nach ähnlichem Muster wie die anderen Bücherverbrennungen in Deutschland, jedoch weniger straff organisiert.

Kurz nach der Machtergreifung durch die Nationalsozialisten im Jahr 1933 initiierte das Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda die Ausmerzung „undeutscher Kunst und Literatur“ als „Aktion wider den undeutschen Geist“. Mit der Durchführung wurde der Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Studentenbund beauftragt. In Hannover bildete sich daraufhin ein dreiköpfiger „Kampfausschuss“, dem als Vertreter der Technischen Hochschule Victor Curt Habicht angehörte. Hauptbestandteil einer vorbereitenden „Aufklärungsaktion“ war ab dem 12. April 1933 die Verbreitung von „12 Thesen wider den undeutschen Geist“; das entsprechende Flugblatt für den „Kampfausschuss der Deutschen Studentenschaft Hannover“ unterzeichnete I. A. Hansen. Daraufhin durchsuchten Mitglieder des studentischen „Kampfausschusses“, meist in SA-Uniform, in pedantischer Kleinarbeit Buchläden, Leihbüchereien, Schul- und Hochschulbibliotheken und auch private Bestände, um Werke von jüdischen und politisch linken Autoren zu beschlagnahmen. Selbst Arbeiten von Liberalen und Pazifisten, aber auch sogenannte „erotische“ Literatur, insbesondere „homoerotische“, gleich ob wissenschaftlich oder belletristisch, stand auf den undatierten Schwarzen Listen. Doch die hannoverschen „Stoßtrupps“ waren offenbar schlecht informiert, nicht im Besitz Schwarzer Listen und gingen in Hannover ungleich stümperhafter vor als beispielsweise gegen das Institut für Sexualwissenschaft von Magnus Hirschfeld in Berlin. So beschwerte sich ein Parteigenosse am 9. Mai 1933 in einem Brief an die NSDAP:

„Betr.: Aktion gegen die Schmutz- und Schundliteratur
Am Sonnabend vormittag erschienen zwei SA–Leute in der wohl als national zu bezeichnenden Buchhandlung Richard Beek, Lister Platz, und verlangten, wie mir mitgeteilt wird, einige exotische Schriften. Nachdem sich nach einigem Hin und Her herausgestellt hatte, dass sie erotische Schriften meinten, wurden ihnen einige Bücher ausgehändigt. Die beiden S.A.-Leute verließen dann den Laden…“

In demselben Brief beschwerte sich der Parteigenosse, dass die Buchhandlung am Lister Platz am Nachmittag ein zweites Mal von zwei S.A.-Leuten aufgesucht wurde und das nunmehr erfolglose Vorhaben der Beschlagnahmung „lebhaften Unwillen … bei der Kundschaft“ auslöste.

Sammelstellen für die zu verbrennenden Bücher waren die Technische Hochschule, die Tierärztliche Hochschule, das Goethegymnasium und das Realgymnasium, die Leibnizschule und die Humboldtschule sowie die Staatlich-städtische Handwerker- und Kunstgewerbeschule. Der Direktor der Leibnizschule, Fritz Heiligenstaedt, zugleich stellvertretender Leiter der Städtischen Abendschule sowie Leiter der „Beratungsstelle für das volkstümliche Büchereiwesen in der Provinz Hannover“, meldete dem „Kampfausschuss“ die „Reinigung“ seiner Büchereien und fügte ein Schreiben seiner Beratungsstelle an die Büchereien bei, in dem es unter anderem hieß:

„Zu entfernen ist unter allem Umständen: … belehrende und unterhaltende Literatur, welche die sittlichen und religiösen Grundlagen unseres Volkslebens untergräbt.“

Aus ganz Hannover kam eine Wagenladung von Büchern zusammen, die am 10. Mai 1933 an der Bismarcksäule verbrannt wurde. Am Tag darauf berichtete der Hannoversche Kurier, dass der studentische Fackelzug an der Herrenhäuser Allee am Georgengarten begann, seinen Weg nahm durch die gesamte hannoversche Innenstadt, gesäumt von tausenden von Zuschauern, vom Königsworther Platz durch die Lange Laube, Georgstraße, Hildesheimer Straße und Geibelstraße bis zur Bismarcksäule. An der Spitze marschierte die nationalsozialistische Studentenschaft, gefolgt von einer S.A-Kapelle, den Korporationen in vollem Wichs, unter denen sich auch Mitglieder des „Akademischen Reitklubs“ zu Pferde befanden. Unter „aufrüttelnden“ Ansprachen verschiedener Redner, darunter wieder Victor Curt Habicht, und „unter dem Jubel der großen Zuschauermenge“ wurden Werke von Karl Marx, Kautsky, Heinrich Mann, Erich Kästner, Heinrich Heine und vieler anderer auf einem Scheiterhaufen an der Bismarck-Säule verbrannt. Die Niedersächsische Tageszeitung berichtete am 12. Mai des Jahres, dass auch „eine ganze Reihe ‚prominenter‘ Erotiker“ dabeigewesen wäre.

Zum 80. Jahrestages der Bücherverbrennung am 10. Mai 2013 hat das Projekt Erinnerungskultur der Landeshauptstadt Hannover einen Flyer zur Veranstaltung Der Weg der verbrannten Bücher herausgegeben: Dieser informiert über die fünf Stationen der Veranstaltung, wo „kleine Informationsveranstaltungen, Lesungen und Aktionen zu den Autoren und ihren Büchern“ stattfanden:

Koordinaten:

Motif (textile arts)

In the textile arts, a motif  (pronunciation)  (also called a block or square) is a smaller element in a much larger work. In knitting and crochet, motifs are made one at a time and joined together to create larger works such as afghan blankets or shawls. A good example of a motif is the granny square. Motifs may be varied or rotated for contrast and variety, or to create new shapes, as with quilt blocks in quilts and quilting. Contrast with motif-less crazy quilting.

Motifs can be any size, but usually all the motifs in any given work are the same size. The patterns and stitches used in a motif may vary greatly, but there is almost always some unifying element, such as texture, stitch pattern, or colour, which gives the finished piece more aesthetic appeal. Motifs may commemorate events or convey information or political slogans. For example, the individual blocks of the AIDS Memorial Quilt, the possible Quilts of the Underground Railroad, and the „54-40 or Fight“ quilt block.

Example of Pattern Design Artist in 2016 :

Concordia (genus)

Concordia is an extinct genus of Late Carboniferous captorinid known from Greenwood County, Kansas of the United States.

Concordia is known from the holotype KUVP 8702a&b, well preserved skull in dorsal view along with its counterpart, a partial preserved braincase in ventral view, and from the referred specimen KUVP 96/95, well preserved skull in ventral view and a poorly preserved dorsal counterpart. It was collected in the Hamilton Quarry, from the Calhouns Shale Formation of the Shawnee Group, dating to the Virgilian stage (or alternatively late Kasimovian to early Gzhelian stage) of the Late Pennsylvanian Series, about 300 million years ago. Concordia was originally thought to be the basalmost known member of Captorhinidae. A novel phylogenic study of primitive reptile relationships by Müller & Reisz in 2006 recovered Thuringothyris as a sister taxon of the Captorhinidae, and therefore, by definition, Thuringothyris represents the basalmost known captorhinid. The same results were obtained in later phylogenic analyses. Concordia is still the earliest known captorhinid as all other captorhinid taxa are known only from Permian deposits.

Concordia was first named by Johannes Müller and Robert R. Reisz in 2005 and the type species is Concordia cunninghami. The generic name is derived from the Latin concordia, meaning „unity“ or „harmony“. The specific name honors Christopher R. Cunningham for studying this taxon as part of his PhD thesis on the Hamilton Quarry.

Die Wurzeln des Himmels

Die Wurzeln des Himmels (Originaltitel: The Roots of Heaven) ist ein US-amerikanischer Spielfilm aus dem Jahr 1958 von John Huston. Das Drehbuch verfassten Romain Gary und Patrick Leigh Fermor. Es beruht auf dem 1956 erschienenen Roman „Les racines du ciel“ von Romain Gary. Die Hauptrollen sind mit Trevor Howard, Juliette Gréco und Errol Flynn besetzt. Ins Kino kam das Werk erstmals am 15. Oktober 1958 in den Vereinigten Staaten. In der Bundesrepublik Deutschland konnte man den Film ab 19. Dezember 1958 auf der Leinwand sehen.

Französisch-Äquatorialafrika in den 1950er Jahren. Der fanatische Tierschützer Morel setzt seine ganze Kraft dafür ein, die Elefanten vor dem Aussterben zu bewahren. In einer Bittschrift wendet er sich an die örtlichen Behörden, an den Franziskanerorden der Missionsstation in Fort Lamy und an den Gouverneur, weil er hofft, diese würden ihn bei seinem Antrag, ein Gesetz zum Schutz der Elefanten zu erlassen, unterstützen. Dies ist jedoch nicht der Fall. Vorerst stehen ihm lediglich zwei Einzelpersonen bei: der aus der britischen Armee ausgestoßene Johnny Forsythe und die Nachtklubsängerin Minna. Hoffnung beginnt Morel erst wieder zu schöpfen, als er von einem amerikanischen Rundfunkreporter in einer Sendung als „moderner Robin Hood“ bezeichnet worden ist.

Der Gouverneur hält nichts von dem Tierschützer. Er hält ihn für einen Agenten des in Europa erzogenen Waitari. Dieser führt in der Kolonie eine Untergrundbewegung an, die mit allen Mitteln für die Unabhängigkeit Äquatorialafrikas kämpft. Nun schickt der Gouverneur seinen Vertrauten Saint Denis in die Berge zu Morels Lager. Dieser soll den Tierschützer überreden, seinen „Feldzug“ aufzugeben. Dann erhalte er sicheres Geleit bis zur Grenze. Als Saint Denis den Gesuchten gefunden hat, trifft er bei ihm auch den dänischen Naturwissenschaftler Peer Qvist, den jungen Afrikaner Yussef, einen, der sich als „Baron“ ausgibt, Waitari und noch ein paar Eingeborene, die die meiste Zeit ihres Lebens hinter Gittern verbracht haben. Morel gibt zu, dass Waitari ihn in seinem Bemühen, die Elefanten zu schützen, hilft; mit Waitaris Untergrundbewegung habe er jedoch nichts gemein. Er wolle lediglich erreichen, dass sein Manifest der bevorstehenden „Kongo-Konferenz zur Erhaltung der afrikanischen Tierwelt“ vorgelegt werde. Deshalb lehnt er das Angebot des Gouverneurs ab.

Morel und seine Leute statten dem Chef der Lokalpresse einen Besuch ab. Kurz darauf erscheint sein Manifest auf der Titelseite. Noch am selben Tag dringt Morel mit seinen Getreuen in das Haus des einflussreichen Orsini ein, der gerade ein Fest veranstaltet und als Kopf der Wilderer gilt. Während einige die Ausgänge bewachen, liest Morel dem entsetzten Orsini und seinen Gästen sein Manifest vor. Dann verlässt die Gruppe die Villa. Waitari hat sich schon vorher abgesetzt. Drei seiner Männer stehlen Morels einzigen Lastwagen, weil der Tierschützer in einem Interview mit einem Journalisten verschwiegen hatte, dass er von Waitari unterstützt wird.

Als Morel mit seinem verbliebenen Häufchen zu Fuß den Kuru-See erreicht, hält sich dort gerade eine große Elefantenherde auf. Plötzlich stürzt in der Nähe ein Sportflugzeug ab. Nur ein Insasse kann sich mit mehreren Rippenbrüchen retten: der amerikanische Fotoreporter Abe Fields. Dieser ist erfreut, Morel gegenüberzustehen und schließt sich seiner Gruppe an.

Waitari beabsichtigt, mit Unterstützung Habibs und De Fries‘ die Elefantenherde zu töten, um mit dem Erlös der Stoßzähne seine Widerstandsbewegung zu finanzieren. Als sich die Gruppe der Herde nähert, eröffnet Morel das Feuer. Während des Kampfes fallen Forsythe und der Baron. Morel selbst und der Rest seiner Leute werden von Waitari gefangen genommen. Erst als der Fotoreporter dem Rebellen verspricht, einen positiven Artikel über seine Bemühungen zu veröffentlichen, werden Morel und seine Leute freigelassen. Auf dem Weg zum Lager verschlimmert sich Fields‘ Zustand, und auch Minna erkrankt schwer. Im ersten Dorf erfahren sie, dass der Gouverneur seine Truppen nach ihnen ausgesandt hat.

In Biondi will Morel den Amerikaner und Minna ins Krankenhaus bringen. Als sie in der Stadt ankommen, erlebt der Idealist eine große Überraschung: Die Soldaten erweisen ihm ihre Ehrenbezeigung. Auch wenn Morel inzwischen müde und abgekämpft ist, kehrt er doch mit seinen Freunden in den Urwald zurück.

Die Außenaufnahmen entstanden an den Originalschauplätzen in der damaligen Kolonie Französisch-Äquatorialafrika (heute: Tschad), die Innenaufnahmen in den Studios Boulogne-Billancourt in Frankreich. Die Bauten waren vom britischen Szenenbildner Stephen B. Grimes geschaffen worden.

Der Spiegel veröffentlichte eine negative Kritik zu dem Film. In seiner Ausgabe 1/1959 meint der Kritiker der Zeitschrift, Romain Gary (von dem auch die preisgekrönte literarische Vorlage stammt) habe hier seinen Roman „eigenhändig zum Filmdrehbuch zerdrückt“. Aus den ungewöhnlichen Figuren der Vorlage seien „langweilige Kinohelden“ geworden. Der „schwermütige Witz der Dialoge“ habe sich in „Traktatqualm“ aufgelöst, und das Breitwand-Afrika biete keine Überraschungen. Eine überwiegend positive Meinung hat dagegen das Lexikon des internationalen Films. Es zieht folgendes Fazit: „Abenteuerroutinier Huston präsentiert prominente Schauspieler, glänzende Landschaftsaufnahmen und eine überaus dramatische Handlung – ohne aber eine klare Linie in die problemüberfrachtete Geschichte bringen zu können. Was den Film von üblichen Genrespektakeln angenehm unterscheidet, ist der liebevolle Blick des Regisseurs auf seine Figuren, die als tragische Idealisten gezeichnet sind.“

Programm zum Film: Illustrierte Film-Bühne, Vereinigte Verlagsgesellschaften Franke & Co. KG, München, Nummer 4609

Die Spur des Falken | Ich will mein Leben leben | Winning Your Wings (Dokumentation) | Abenteuer in Panama | Report from the Aleutians (Dokumentation) | Tunesian Victory (Dokumentation) | Die Schlacht um San Pietro (Kurzfilm) | Let There Be Light (Kurzfilm) | Der Schatz der Sierra Madre | On Our Merry Way | Gangster in Key Largo | We Were Strangers | Asphalt-Dschungel | Die rote Tapferkeitsmedaille | African Queen | Moulin Rouge | Schach dem Teufel | Moby Dick | Der Seemann und die Nonne | Der Barbar und die Geisha | Die Wurzeln des Himmels | Denen man nicht vergibt | Misfits – Nicht gesellschaftsfähig | Freud | Die Totenliste | Die Nacht des Leguan | Die Bibel | Casino Royale | Spiegelbild im goldenen Auge | Dave – Zuhaus in allen Betten | Eine Reise mit der Liebe und dem Tod | Der Brief an den Kreml | Wen die Meute hetzt | Fat City | Das war Roy Bean | Der Mackintosh-Mann | Der Mann, der König sein wollte | Independence | Ein Mann räumt auf | Der Ketzer | Phobia – Labyrinth der Angst | Flucht oder Sieg | Annie | Unter dem Vulkan | Die Ehre der Prizzis | Die Toten

Église Notre-Dame d’Avy

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Géolocalisation sur la carte : France

Géolocalisation sur la carte : Charente-Maritime

L‘église Notre-Dame est une église de style roman saintongeais située à Avy en Saintonge, dans le département français de la Charente-Maritime et la région Aquitaine-Limousin-Poitou-Charentes.

L’église Notre-Dame fut construite en style roman au XIIe siècle et réédifiée dans sa partie orientale en style gothique après les destructions de la Guerre de Cent Ans.

Elle fait l’objet d’un classement au titre des monuments historiques depuis le 4 septembre 1902.

fresque dans la chapelle latérale.

Sculptures sous le toit.

Face nord.

Détail du portail.